Archive
Beloved comrades.
I would like to bring light in the darkness and share a generally chirpy mood at the end of a long year.
The Labour Tradition and the Politics of Paradox was published in 2011 to great interest and controversy. Arguing that Labour had lost its way, it called for a radical politics rooted in the best of our national and labour movement traditions. Over a decade on, we are republishing it in full.
The UK stands at a moment of decision. Globalisation is rapidly giving way to a new age of geopolitics. With the Russian invasion of Ukraine the politics of blood and iron returns to the European continent and with it the demand for a new politics of national security. Both Labour and the Conservative Party must now confront the UK’s long, slow slide into a chronic state of disrepair and dysfunction. Their failure to do so has left England in a state of deep disillusionment with parliamentary democracy.
Recent days have been deeply traumatic for Labour. The predictable list of causes of our crisis have been rehearsed: poor leader, Brexit, right-wing press, the pandemic. Blame is apportioned and scapegoats called out. The most rancorous and ideologically intransigent dominate, crushing reasoned discussion. But these responses evade the reality that Labour’s crisis is deep and structural.
The experience of the loss of a sense of belonging is an important factor in the rejection of Labour, and more broadly in the reaction against liberal politics and economics. A collective feeling of dispossession and political disenfranchisement contributed toward the UK’s exit from the EU, the electoral realignment in British politics in 2019, and Labour’s fourth consecutive and worst defeat since the 1930s.
When I speak to people who grew up in Eastern Europe under Communism they tell me that it was not simply the falseness of the slogans that were so dispiriting, it was their relentless optimism. ‘Forward to a brighter future’ was a perennial favourite apparently. In this genre New Labour transcended Bolshevism in its commitment to a false progressive imperative with ‘Things Can Only Get Better’.
The 2019 General Election led to a major realignment in national politics that Labour must now resolve by bridging the divisions in the country and rebuilding its national coalition. The biggest class and cultural divide is between those with a degree who have a good chance of having a career in a well-paid profession, and those who do not and who are likely to be in low wage, low skill jobs with few prospects. To win an election Labour needs a politics that brings together these estranged, often antagonistic classes in a common cause.
Lockdown, for me, has been a time of great sadness and loss. My beloved friend Rabbi Pinter died of the virus and the sense of grief disturbed my soul. My oldest friend, Patrick, died far away. No funerals, no conversations. There is a dreamlike element to the length of this that fills me with dread; the idea that I will wake up and it will all be true. Netflix, Facebook and Zoom dominating social and working life, an utter dependence on my phone and the end of intimacy and real physical presence.
As a Francophile, I am cheered by Penguin’s decision (even though I have only just learned of it, some years after the event) to republish every book – 75 in all – in the Maigret series by Georges Simenon, all with fresh translations. Brought to life on screen in Britain by actors such as Michael Gambon and more latterly Rowan Atkinson, the terse, pipe-smoking detective made his literary entrance in the 1931 novella, Pietr the Latvian. A tale of international crime gangs, hitmen and familial love and revenge, all set against the backdrop of inter-war Paris.
I can’t claim my lockdown has been terribly studious. My wife and I have been incarcerated with our daughter, who turned four during the crisis and enjoyed the controlled carnage of a video-conferenced birthday party with 20 other socially-starved preschoolers. Like parents everywhere, lockdown life has mostly consisted of an endless rota of work and childcare as my wife and I attempt to maintain our careers, the little one’s routine and our collective sanity.
My lockdown joy has come in the form of a slim collection of British poetry of the 1890s, Poetry of the Nineties, edited by RKR Thornton and focused on what came to be called the Decadent movement. Featuring the likes of Lionel Johnson, Arthur Symons, and WB Yeats, and tempered by the less mournful Kipling and Housman, the collection is a portrait of a time seized by an apparent clash between cultural convention and free playing vitality.
Last Friday, Jonathan Rutherford recommended the Russians Osip and Nadezhda Mandelstam. The former reassured us from Soviet exile that, ‘In Petersburg we’ll meet again / As though it was where we’d laid the sun to rest.’ From our more mundane exile we can look ahead to reunions in our own Petersburgs. In the meantime I’ve been led to books whose vividness contrasts with this strange, sterile passage of time.
I’ll start with the thrillers of Robert Crais which I’ve been reading. They feature two great characters, Elvis Cole and Joe Pike. It’s best to start with the first in the series, The Monkey’s Raincoat, although LA Requiem might be the definitive story. Pike beats Jack Reacher as a modern heroic figure, less perfect, more rough edged, a crusader of the good. There is a lot of cultural snobbery about the thriller, but if you want insights into society, power, masculinity, the pursuit of justice, you’ll find nowhere better to look.
A spectre is haunting the Labour party — the spectre of Blue Labour.
Every now and then, progressives come for us. On social media, in hastily assembled blogs and academic papers, in newspaper columns and in parliamentary soirees. It tends to happen after progressives have a rare encounter with the working class, which usually doesn’t go very well.
The future of the Labour Party hangs in the balance. Its fourth consecutive defeat has finally severed its relationship with its traditional core vote in the ex-industrial regions of the North and Midlands. It drifts, unmoored from its old national coalition and without a new one to replace it.
With one throw of the dice, Boris Johnson broke the Brexit interregnum. After three years of frantic inertia, he resolved the impasse through transforming the class basis of the Conservative Party. In doing so, he has renewed his party for a generation and ripped into the Labour heartlands …
What has happened to the middle class? Being middle class in Britain was once defined by a safe, lifelong career, a 25-year mortgage and an invariable allegiance to the Conservative Party.
This has been a very painful year. The election of the 12th of December marked a decisive rupture of Labour from the working class and an acceleration of our transformation into a European Progressive Party based in our big cities.
Paul Embery is a friend of mine; born and raised in Dagenham and proud of it. He is also a hero, a firefighter and for twenty years an active member of the FBU. However Paul faces being kicked off the FBU national executive and debarred from holding office for two years.
Blue Labour welcomes political debate. The journal Political Quarterly has been promoting an essay by Jon Bloomfield in which he explains the ‘fallacies of Blue Labour’ and his progressive alternative to them. Here’s a response to it.
The Brexit party has energy, clarity and purpose. Nigel Farage is redefining the national political debate around democracy and the nation. The political class, he argues, never intended to allow Brexit.
Brexit, Trump, and the rise of populism signal the end of liberal hegemony in the West. Our political task must be to reject narratives of inevitable progress and build a democratic common good.
I got to know Roger Scruton because, being Blue Labour, I was interested in conservative thinking and he is England’s foremost conservative thinker and our country’s most eminent philosopher.
We read your essay on Corbynism and Blue Labour with interest. Your focus on the issues of sovereignty, the people and the nation are all critical terms in the debate around Brexit. They are central to our times.
It is nearly three years since the Labour Party underwent its revolution with the election of Jeremy Corbyn. Despite the claims for a new kind of politics, there has been no development of a public political philosophy to match this transformation.
Few people would immediately associate the modern Left with a spirit of delight and celebration. The popular image is of purse-lipped puritanical preaching, interspersed with a good dollop of hypocritical Bollinger bolshevism – quaffing a nice glass of something cold and sparkling with one hand while finger-jabbing at the plebs’ pleasure in bacon sandwiches, fags and booze with the other.